Democratización y representación legislativa en México
Palabras clave:
Competitividad electoral, carreras políticas, comportamiento legislativo, MéxicoResumen
¿Basta con que haya competitividad para que los gobernantes respondan a los intereses de sus representados?Investigaciones recientes sobre México sugieren que incluso sin reelección, la competitividad ha mejorado el desempeño gubernamental. Empero, estas pesquisas se basan en agregados que no logran probar la relación entre competitividad electoral y representación. En este texto examinamos dicha relación mediante un análisis individual de la actividad legislativa medida como presentación de iniciativas y direccionamiento de recursos por parte de los diputados federales. Nuestros hallazgos confirman que la competitividad incentiva la postulación de candidatos calificados, pero cuestionan que la competitividad afecte el comportamiento legislativo a nivel individual. Ello implica que,por sí mismas, las elecciones competitivas no son suficientes para inducir responsividad.
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Referencias
André, A.;Depauw,S.yMartin,S.(2015). Electoral Systems and Legislators’ Constituency Effort: The Mediating Effect of Electoral Vulnerability.Comparative Political Studies,48(4),464-496.
Anzia, S. F. yBerry,C. R.(2011). The Jackie (and Jill) Robinson Effect: Why Do Congresswomen Outperform Congressmen?American Journal of Political Science, 55(3), 478-493.
Bárcena Juárez, S. A. (2017). Involucramiento legislativo sin reelección: La productividad de los diputados federales en México, 1985-2015.Política y Gobierno, 24(1), 45-79.
Beer, C. C.(2003). Electoral Competition and Institutional Change in Mexico.Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press.
Béjar Algazi, L. (2004). El poder legislativo en México: Los diputados de partido: El primer eslabón del cambio. México DF, México: Gernika, UNAM.
Benton, A. L. (2012). Bottom-Up Challenges to National Democracy: Mexico's (Legal) Subnational Authoritarian Enclaves.Comparative Politics, 44(3), 253-271.
Berliner, D. yErlich, A.(2015). Competing for Transparency: Political Competition and Institutional Reform in Mexican States.American Political Science Review, 109(1), 110-128.
Bruhn, K.(1997). Taking on Goliath: The Emergence of a New Left Party and the Struggle for Democracy in Mexico.University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press.
Campbell, J. E.(1982). Cosponsoring Legislation in the U.S. Congress. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 7(3), 415-422.
Carey, J. M.(1996). Term Limits and Legislative Representation.New York: Cambridge University Press.
Carson, J. L. y Engstom, E.(2005). Assessing the Electoral Connection: Evidence from the Early United States. American Journal of Political Science, 49 (4),746-757.
Cleary, M. R.(2007). Electoral Competition, Participation, and Government Responsiveness in Mexico. American Journal of Political Science, 51(2),283-299.
Coppedge, M. (1993).Parties and Society in Mexico and Venezuela: Why Competition Matters. Comparative Politics, 25(April),253-274.
De la Garza, R. O.(1972). The Mexican Chamber of Deputies and the Mexican Political System.Tesis doctoral.Universidad de Arizona.
Díaz, C. (2004). Old Hacks or New Blood? The Effects of Inter-Party Competition on PRI Candidates for the Mexican Chamber of Deputies, 1997-2000.Journal of Legislative Studies, 10(4), 107-128.
Downs, A. (1957). AnEconomic Theory of Democracy.New York: Harper Collins.
Durazo Herrmann, J. (2010).Neo-Patrimonialism and Subnational Authoritarianism in Mexico. The Case of Oaxaca. Journal of Politics in Latin America, 2(2), 85-112.
Eisenstadt, T.(2004). Courting Democracy in Mexico: Party Strategies and Electoral Institutions. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Fearon, J. (1999).Electoral Accountability and the Control of Politicians: Selecting Good Types versus Sanctioning Poor Performance. En A.Przeworski, S.Stokes, yB.Manin. (Eds.),Democracy, Accountability, and Representation(pp. 55-97). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Ferreira Do Vale, H. yWences, I.(2014). The 2012 Elections in Mexico: The Birth of a Consolidated Federal Democracy?Regional & Federal Studies,24(1), 109-121.
Fiorina, M. P.(1974). Representatives, Roll Calls, and Constituencies.Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.
Freidenberg, F. (2013). Dedazos, elecciones y encuestas: procesos de selección de candidatos de los diputados mexicanos en perspectiva comparada. EnM. AlcántaraSáezyL.M. CabezasRincón. (Coords.),Selección de candidatos y elaboración de programas en los partidos políticos latinoamericanos(pp. 159-223).México D.F., México: Tirant lo Blanch.
Griffin, J. D.(2006). Electoral competition and democratic responsiveness: A defense of the marginality hypothesis.Journal of Politics, 68(4), 911-921.
Hagene, T.(2015). Political Clientelism in Mexico: Bridging the Gap Between Citizens and the State.Latin American Politics and Society, 57(1), 139-162.
Harbers, I. (2014). States and Strategy in New Federal Democracies: Competitiveness and Intra-Party Resource Allocation in Mexico.Party Politics, 20(6), 823-835.
Hecock, R. D. (2006). Electoral Competition, Globalization, and Subnational Education Spending in Mexico, 1999-2004. American Journal of Political Science, 50 (October), 950-961.
Holzner, C. A.(2007).The poverty of democracy: neoliberal reforms and political participation of the poor in Mexico. Latin American Politics and Society, 49(2), 87-122.
Iacus, S. M.;King, G. yPorro,G. (2012). Causal Inference without Balance Checking: Coarsened Exact Matching.Political Analysis,20(1), 1-24.
Ingram, M. C.(2009). Crafting Courts in New Democracies: The Politics of Subnational Judicial Reform in Brazil and MexicoTesis doctoral.Universidad de Nuevo México.
Jacobson, G. C.(1989).Strategic Politicians and the Dynamics of U.S. House Elections, 1946-86. American Political Science Review, 83(3), 773-793.
Jones, P. E. (2013). The Effect of Political Competition on Democratic Accountability.Political Behavior,35(3), 481-515.
Kerevel, Y. P.(2015a). (Sub)national Principals, Legislative Agents: Patronage and Political Careers in Mexico. Comparative Political Studies, 48(8), 1020-1050.
Kerevel, Y. P.(2015b).Pork-barreling without Reelection? Evidence from the Mexican Congress. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 40(1), 137-166.
Kerevel, Y. P.(2014). Loyalty and Disloyalty in the Mexican Party System. Latin American Politics and Society, 56(3), 93-117.
Kerevel, Y. P.(2010). The Legislative Consequences of Mexico’s Mixed-Member Electoral System, 2000-2009. Electoral Studies, 29(4), 691-703.
Kerevel, Y. P., y Atkeson, L. R. (2013). Explaining the Marginalization of Women in Legislative Institutions. Journal of Politics, 75(4), 980-992.
Kitschelt, H. (2000).Linkages Between Citizens and Politicians in Democratic Polities. Comparative Political Studies,336(7), 845-879.
Kramer, G. H.(1983).The Ecological Fallacy Revisited: Aggregate- versus Individual-level Findings on Economics and Elections, and Sociotropic Voting. The American Political Science Review, 77(1), 92-111.
Langston, J. (2010). Governors and “Their” Deputies: New Legislative Principals in Mexico. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 35(2), 235-258.
Langston, J.(2006). The Changing Party of the Institutional Revolution: Electoral Competition and Decentralized Candidate Selection. Party Politics, 12(3), 395-413.
Langston, J.(2003). Rising from the Ashes? Reorganizing and Unifying the PRI’s State Party Organizations After Electoral Defeat. Comparative Political Studies,36(3), 293-318.
Maestas, C. (2000). Professional Legislatures and Ambitious Politicians: Policy Responsiveness of State Institutions. Legislative Studies Quarterly,25(4),663-690.
Maestas, C. (2003). The Incentive to Listen: Progressive Ambition, Resources, and Opinion Monitoring Among State Legislators. The Journal of Politics,65(2), 439-456.
Mansbridge, J.2009. A “Selection Model” of Political Representation.Journal of Political Philosophy, 17(4),369-398.
Mayhew, D.(1974). Congress: The Electoral Connection.New Haven: Yale University Press.
Micozzi, J. P. (2009). The Electoral Connection in Multi-level Systems with Non-static Ambition: Linking Political Careers and Legislative Performance in Argentina(Tesis doctoral).Universidad de Rice.
Molinar Horcasitas, J. yWeldon, J. A.(2009). Procedimientos legislativos en la Cámara de Diputados, 1917-1964. México D.F., México: Miguel Angel Porrúa.
Mossige, D.(2013).Mexico’s Left: The Paradox of the PRD. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.
Nacif, B. (2006). The Fall of the Dominant Presidency: Lawmaking Under Divided Government in Mexico. Documento de Trabajo 185. CIDE.
Nacif, B.(1996). Political Careers, Political Ambitions and Career Goals.Documento de Trabajo EP-51.México D.F., México: CIDE.
O’Neil, S. K.(2013). Two Nations Indivisible: Mexico, the United States, and the Road Ahead.New York: Oxford University Press.
Pitkin, H. F. (1967). The Concept of Representation.Berkeley: University of California Press.
Robinson, WS.(1950). Ecological Correlations and the Behavior of Individuals.American Sociological Review, 15(3), 351-357.
Rosas, G. y Langston, J.(2011). Gubernatorial Effects on the Voting Behavior of National Legislatures. Journal of Politics,73(2), 477-493.
Samuels, D. (2003). Ambition, Federalism, and Legislative Politics in Brazil.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Schedler, A. (2014).The Criminal Subversion of Mexican Democracy.Journal of Democracy, 25(1), 5-18.
Schlesinger, J. A.(1966). Ambition and Politics: Political Careers in the United States.Chicago: Rand McNally & Co.
Smith, P. H.(1979). Labyrinths of Power: Political Recruitment in Twentieth-Century Mexico.Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Solt, F. (2004). Electoral Competition, Legislative Pluralism, and Institutional Development: Evidence from Mexico’s States.Latin American Research Review, 39(1),155-167.
Squire, P.(1988). Member Career Opportunities and the Internal Organization of Legislatures. The Journal of Politics,50 (3), 726-744.
Stanig, P. (2015).Regulation of Speech and Media Coverage of Corruption: An Empirical Analysis of the Mexican Press. American Journal of Political Science,59(1), 175-193.
Taylor, M. M.(1992).Formal Versus Informal Incentive Structures and Legislative Behavior: Evidence from Costa Rica. Journal of Politics, 54(4), 1055-1073.
Thomas, S. y Grofman, B.(1993). The Effects of Congressional Rules about Bill Sponsorship on Duplicate Bills: Changing Incentives for Credit Claiming.Public Choice,75(1), 93-98.
Trelles, A.y Cabreras, M. (2012). Bullets and Votes: Violence and Electoral Participation in Mexico. Journal of Politics in Latin America, 4(2), 89-123.
Wuhs, S. T.(2006). Democratization and the Dynamics of Candidate Selection Rule Change in Mexico, 1991-2003. Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos,22(1), 33-5.
Anzia, S. F. yBerry,C. R.(2011). The Jackie (and Jill) Robinson Effect: Why Do Congresswomen Outperform Congressmen?American Journal of Political Science, 55(3), 478-493.
Bárcena Juárez, S. A. (2017). Involucramiento legislativo sin reelección: La productividad de los diputados federales en México, 1985-2015.Política y Gobierno, 24(1), 45-79.
Beer, C. C.(2003). Electoral Competition and Institutional Change in Mexico.Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press.
Béjar Algazi, L. (2004). El poder legislativo en México: Los diputados de partido: El primer eslabón del cambio. México DF, México: Gernika, UNAM.
Benton, A. L. (2012). Bottom-Up Challenges to National Democracy: Mexico's (Legal) Subnational Authoritarian Enclaves.Comparative Politics, 44(3), 253-271.
Berliner, D. yErlich, A.(2015). Competing for Transparency: Political Competition and Institutional Reform in Mexican States.American Political Science Review, 109(1), 110-128.
Bruhn, K.(1997). Taking on Goliath: The Emergence of a New Left Party and the Struggle for Democracy in Mexico.University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press.
Campbell, J. E.(1982). Cosponsoring Legislation in the U.S. Congress. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 7(3), 415-422.
Carey, J. M.(1996). Term Limits and Legislative Representation.New York: Cambridge University Press.
Carson, J. L. y Engstom, E.(2005). Assessing the Electoral Connection: Evidence from the Early United States. American Journal of Political Science, 49 (4),746-757.
Cleary, M. R.(2007). Electoral Competition, Participation, and Government Responsiveness in Mexico. American Journal of Political Science, 51(2),283-299.
Coppedge, M. (1993).Parties and Society in Mexico and Venezuela: Why Competition Matters. Comparative Politics, 25(April),253-274.
De la Garza, R. O.(1972). The Mexican Chamber of Deputies and the Mexican Political System.Tesis doctoral.Universidad de Arizona.
Díaz, C. (2004). Old Hacks or New Blood? The Effects of Inter-Party Competition on PRI Candidates for the Mexican Chamber of Deputies, 1997-2000.Journal of Legislative Studies, 10(4), 107-128.
Downs, A. (1957). AnEconomic Theory of Democracy.New York: Harper Collins.
Durazo Herrmann, J. (2010).Neo-Patrimonialism and Subnational Authoritarianism in Mexico. The Case of Oaxaca. Journal of Politics in Latin America, 2(2), 85-112.
Eisenstadt, T.(2004). Courting Democracy in Mexico: Party Strategies and Electoral Institutions. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Fearon, J. (1999).Electoral Accountability and the Control of Politicians: Selecting Good Types versus Sanctioning Poor Performance. En A.Przeworski, S.Stokes, yB.Manin. (Eds.),Democracy, Accountability, and Representation(pp. 55-97). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Ferreira Do Vale, H. yWences, I.(2014). The 2012 Elections in Mexico: The Birth of a Consolidated Federal Democracy?Regional & Federal Studies,24(1), 109-121.
Fiorina, M. P.(1974). Representatives, Roll Calls, and Constituencies.Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.
Freidenberg, F. (2013). Dedazos, elecciones y encuestas: procesos de selección de candidatos de los diputados mexicanos en perspectiva comparada. EnM. AlcántaraSáezyL.M. CabezasRincón. (Coords.),Selección de candidatos y elaboración de programas en los partidos políticos latinoamericanos(pp. 159-223).México D.F., México: Tirant lo Blanch.
Griffin, J. D.(2006). Electoral competition and democratic responsiveness: A defense of the marginality hypothesis.Journal of Politics, 68(4), 911-921.
Hagene, T.(2015). Political Clientelism in Mexico: Bridging the Gap Between Citizens and the State.Latin American Politics and Society, 57(1), 139-162.
Harbers, I. (2014). States and Strategy in New Federal Democracies: Competitiveness and Intra-Party Resource Allocation in Mexico.Party Politics, 20(6), 823-835.
Hecock, R. D. (2006). Electoral Competition, Globalization, and Subnational Education Spending in Mexico, 1999-2004. American Journal of Political Science, 50 (October), 950-961.
Holzner, C. A.(2007).The poverty of democracy: neoliberal reforms and political participation of the poor in Mexico. Latin American Politics and Society, 49(2), 87-122.
Iacus, S. M.;King, G. yPorro,G. (2012). Causal Inference without Balance Checking: Coarsened Exact Matching.Political Analysis,20(1), 1-24.
Ingram, M. C.(2009). Crafting Courts in New Democracies: The Politics of Subnational Judicial Reform in Brazil and MexicoTesis doctoral.Universidad de Nuevo México.
Jacobson, G. C.(1989).Strategic Politicians and the Dynamics of U.S. House Elections, 1946-86. American Political Science Review, 83(3), 773-793.
Jones, P. E. (2013). The Effect of Political Competition on Democratic Accountability.Political Behavior,35(3), 481-515.
Kerevel, Y. P.(2015a). (Sub)national Principals, Legislative Agents: Patronage and Political Careers in Mexico. Comparative Political Studies, 48(8), 1020-1050.
Kerevel, Y. P.(2015b).Pork-barreling without Reelection? Evidence from the Mexican Congress. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 40(1), 137-166.
Kerevel, Y. P.(2014). Loyalty and Disloyalty in the Mexican Party System. Latin American Politics and Society, 56(3), 93-117.
Kerevel, Y. P.(2010). The Legislative Consequences of Mexico’s Mixed-Member Electoral System, 2000-2009. Electoral Studies, 29(4), 691-703.
Kerevel, Y. P., y Atkeson, L. R. (2013). Explaining the Marginalization of Women in Legislative Institutions. Journal of Politics, 75(4), 980-992.
Kitschelt, H. (2000).Linkages Between Citizens and Politicians in Democratic Polities. Comparative Political Studies,336(7), 845-879.
Kramer, G. H.(1983).The Ecological Fallacy Revisited: Aggregate- versus Individual-level Findings on Economics and Elections, and Sociotropic Voting. The American Political Science Review, 77(1), 92-111.
Langston, J. (2010). Governors and “Their” Deputies: New Legislative Principals in Mexico. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 35(2), 235-258.
Langston, J.(2006). The Changing Party of the Institutional Revolution: Electoral Competition and Decentralized Candidate Selection. Party Politics, 12(3), 395-413.
Langston, J.(2003). Rising from the Ashes? Reorganizing and Unifying the PRI’s State Party Organizations After Electoral Defeat. Comparative Political Studies,36(3), 293-318.
Maestas, C. (2000). Professional Legislatures and Ambitious Politicians: Policy Responsiveness of State Institutions. Legislative Studies Quarterly,25(4),663-690.
Maestas, C. (2003). The Incentive to Listen: Progressive Ambition, Resources, and Opinion Monitoring Among State Legislators. The Journal of Politics,65(2), 439-456.
Mansbridge, J.2009. A “Selection Model” of Political Representation.Journal of Political Philosophy, 17(4),369-398.
Mayhew, D.(1974). Congress: The Electoral Connection.New Haven: Yale University Press.
Micozzi, J. P. (2009). The Electoral Connection in Multi-level Systems with Non-static Ambition: Linking Political Careers and Legislative Performance in Argentina(Tesis doctoral).Universidad de Rice.
Molinar Horcasitas, J. yWeldon, J. A.(2009). Procedimientos legislativos en la Cámara de Diputados, 1917-1964. México D.F., México: Miguel Angel Porrúa.
Mossige, D.(2013).Mexico’s Left: The Paradox of the PRD. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.
Nacif, B. (2006). The Fall of the Dominant Presidency: Lawmaking Under Divided Government in Mexico. Documento de Trabajo 185. CIDE.
Nacif, B.(1996). Political Careers, Political Ambitions and Career Goals.Documento de Trabajo EP-51.México D.F., México: CIDE.
O’Neil, S. K.(2013). Two Nations Indivisible: Mexico, the United States, and the Road Ahead.New York: Oxford University Press.
Pitkin, H. F. (1967). The Concept of Representation.Berkeley: University of California Press.
Robinson, WS.(1950). Ecological Correlations and the Behavior of Individuals.American Sociological Review, 15(3), 351-357.
Rosas, G. y Langston, J.(2011). Gubernatorial Effects on the Voting Behavior of National Legislatures. Journal of Politics,73(2), 477-493.
Samuels, D. (2003). Ambition, Federalism, and Legislative Politics in Brazil.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Schedler, A. (2014).The Criminal Subversion of Mexican Democracy.Journal of Democracy, 25(1), 5-18.
Schlesinger, J. A.(1966). Ambition and Politics: Political Careers in the United States.Chicago: Rand McNally & Co.
Smith, P. H.(1979). Labyrinths of Power: Political Recruitment in Twentieth-Century Mexico.Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Solt, F. (2004). Electoral Competition, Legislative Pluralism, and Institutional Development: Evidence from Mexico’s States.Latin American Research Review, 39(1),155-167.
Squire, P.(1988). Member Career Opportunities and the Internal Organization of Legislatures. The Journal of Politics,50 (3), 726-744.
Stanig, P. (2015).Regulation of Speech and Media Coverage of Corruption: An Empirical Analysis of the Mexican Press. American Journal of Political Science,59(1), 175-193.
Taylor, M. M.(1992).Formal Versus Informal Incentive Structures and Legislative Behavior: Evidence from Costa Rica. Journal of Politics, 54(4), 1055-1073.
Thomas, S. y Grofman, B.(1993). The Effects of Congressional Rules about Bill Sponsorship on Duplicate Bills: Changing Incentives for Credit Claiming.Public Choice,75(1), 93-98.
Trelles, A.y Cabreras, M. (2012). Bullets and Votes: Violence and Electoral Participation in Mexico. Journal of Politics in Latin America, 4(2), 89-123.
Wuhs, S. T.(2006). Democratization and the Dynamics of Candidate Selection Rule Change in Mexico, 1991-2003. Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos,22(1), 33-5.
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2017-07-02
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Democratización y representación legislativa en México. (2017). Revista Uruguaya De Ciencia Política, 26(1), 59-83. https://rucp.cienciassociales.edu.uy/index.php/rucp/article/view/41
